Nigerian forces recaptured territory from Boko Haram in early 2015 with assistance from troops from neighboring Chad and Niger. The push delayed Nigeria’s national election until March, when frustration over the government’s response to the terror helped sweep Muhammadu Buhari, a former military ruler, to power. Boko Haram mounted its deadliest attack ever in January, when militants razed two towns in the northeast. A man claiming to be Abubakar Shekau, the group’s leader, has been publishing threatening videos and on March 7 he declared allegiance to Islamic State. The African Union has created a multinational force to tackle the threat. The schoolgirls were abducted from a dormitory in the predominantly Christian town of Chibok in April 2014, and after a year more than 200 remain missing. Their plight unleashed a viral social media campaign – using the Twitter hashtag #bringbackourgirls – protesting violence against women and impediments to their education. Shekau said the girls have converted to Islam and been married off to militants. Nigeria’s crackdown on Boko Haram has led to accusations of human rights abuses by the country’s security forces as they try to quell the insurgency.
Islam has been practiced for more than 1,000 years in what is now northern Nigeria and adjacent countries, with a history of radical clerics. In 1804, pastoral ethnic Fulani converts waged a jihad against the Hausa kingdoms to purify the faith. They went on to build the Sokoto Caliphate, one of the largest pre-colonial states in Africa. Fulani princes, wary about having their subjects swayed by new ideas, struck a deal with British colonists not to bring western education to the region in exchange for loyalty. The northern part of the country began to lag behind the south, which embraced education offered by Christian missionaries and quickly produced skilled workers, administrators and professionals. Petrodollars flowed into the country as it became Africa’s biggest oil producer in the 1970s, spawning corruption. While a handful of well-connected northerners became billionaires, the rate of poverty in the north climbed to more than 70 percent — double that in the south — and the gap is still widening. Agriculture and infrastructure were neglected and farmers remained stuck in subsistence methods, helpless to resist the steady advance of the Sahara desert. Boko Haram emerged around 2002 and preached against corruption, misrule and oppression, focusing attention on the excesses of the elite. It took up arms against the symbols of the state, attacking police stations and government buildings, then switched to ruthless killings and kidnappings of civilian targets. The group’s founder, Mohammed Yusuf, was killed by police in July 2009 along with 800 of his followers.
Nigeria’s government has been criticized for sometimes doing too little to rein in Boko Haram, and sometimes too much. Outgoing President Goodluck Jonathan didn’t speak publicly about the schoolgirls for almost three weeks after they were abducted and failed to take quick action to seek their release. At times, the Nigerian security forces have matched the rebels in their brutality. Amnesty International accused them of “uncontrolled reprisals” in March 2014, including extrajudicial executions, and called for investigations into possible war crimes. The allegations make it complicated for outsiders to get more involved in what could become a human-rights quagmire, though a change of government after Nigeria’s peaceful March election helps clear the way for more international help. With the roots of the conflict in poverty and inequality, it will take much more than a hashtag to defuse Boko Haram.